Discourse on Exposure to Pornography Content Online Between Arab Adolescents and Parents: Qualitativ

Introduction

Sexual Discourse in the Arab Community: Between Tradition and Modernization

In the Arab Community, Sexual Discourse is Considered Taboo

Among Islamic religious individuals, explicit sexual discourse is not encouraged. The reason is that according to the religion and rules of the Quran, only married people are permitted to engage in sexual relations, and therefore, sexual discourse with adolescents is considered to potentially encourage premarital sex []. However, as Roudi-Fahimi [] indicated in their systematic review, despite the religious prohibition, there is in fact sexual contact between young people. Therefore, awareness has grown in some of the Arab countries that the population should be given access to information about contraceptives and about sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) resulting from multiple partners []. However, in contrast with the recognition of the sexual activity of youth by health authorities in Arab countries, there is still a social taboo and denial by parents that Arab youth have premarital sex, and therefore, sexual discourse in the public and domestic spheres is nonexistent [].

In reality today, Arab youth experience sexual contact, porn viewing, and premarital sex [-]. The main reasons are that in the last decade, Arab communities have undergone immense transformations, largely related to the infiltration of Western elements into the society, technological means that narrowed the gap between Arab and Western society, and global social and economic changes [,]. The process of modernization where women education increases, fertility decreases, and marital timing is postponed occurs mainly in Arab communities living in advanced democratic countries. Furthermore, Arab youth are more exposed than the older generation to the effects of the technologies that arrived with the new media revolution. Arab youth are currently living in a dual reality where on the other hand, they are attracted and yearning for the liberal technological Western culture, while at the same time, they want to maintain their allegiance to their ancestors’ traditional isolationist culture [-].

Studies have shown that the nature of sexual discourse, its culture, and the way it is managed have a predictive correlation with the actual behavior of adolescents and adults [,]. The absence of overt sexual discourse also leads to ignorance [], fears, and anxiety in Arab adolescent boys and girls. For instance, many Arab girls reported that the appearance of signs of menstruation came to them as a complete surprise [,].

Sexual Double Standard and the Status of Women in Arab Society

The sexual double standard is the widespread belief that sexual behaviors are judged differently depending on the gender of the sexual actor []. The sexual double standard is policed and controlled through “the-male-in-the-head” []. This concept refers to male power under heterosexuality, which leads to the unequal relationship between femininity and masculinity, and relates to the control of both female and male sexuality. A characteristic of the-male-in-the-head is the silencing of sexual female voices and the simultaneous noise of male-dominated conversations in this area. Boys and men are thought to receive praise and positive attributions from others for nonmarital sexual contacts, whereas girls and women are believed to be derogated and stigmatized for similar behaviors. In other words, men are rewarded for sexual activity, whereas women are derogated for the same activity [,]. The sexual double standard is related to standard gender stereotypes: sex and desire are not feminine, whereas they are expected from men. Heterosexuality is constructed under a male gaze [] so that men are in the position of power and they have access to discourses of sex and desire, whereas women’s desire is silenced. Women are supposed to hide their desire and make it invisible [], whereas heterosexual men can express it openly. Furthermore, sex is seen as a greater risk for women because they can become pregnant, and although men can easily walk away from this situation, women have to shoulder the responsibility [].

The sexual double standard intensifies in patriarchal societies such as the Arab society. In the Arab society, the woman is considered property of the man. Not only is her status unequal, but the desires of the man dictate her behavior. Women’s expression of sexual wishes or desires that contradict those of the man are often considered an offense against the man’s honor and the family honor [].

Thus, men, given their superior position and their perception of women as their property, often rape women. It is important to emphasize that the very concept of rape does not exist in many Arab countries and that the act that is punishable is extramarital sex (a man is definitely allowed to rape his wife) [,]. According to the laws in these countries, 4 witnesses are often required to make a charge of rape. In the absence of 4 witnesses, the most important evidence to support a charge of rape or, alternately, extramarital sex is the woman’s pregnancy as a result of the rape. The woman is accused and punished for being raped, whereas the man is not accused at all. The situation clearly discriminates against women and places a double punishment on the victim []. In some Arab countries, to “ease” the woman’s plight, she is not punished but rather ordered to raise the child without a father (of course abortion is not permitted, even in cases of rape) []. Another issue associated with double standards toward women is murder on the background of so-called family honor, which is also familiar in the Arab society in Israel. Although men are not judged for having sex before or outside of marriage, women are judged by the society and even murdered for what is defined as “improper sexual behavior” [].

The Internet as a Source of Sexual Information and Consumption

Internet-enabled devices have enabled people of all ages to consume sexual information at an availability and speed that have impacted and changed the sexual habits and knowledge of adolescents [,].

The internet is considered a more highly sexualized environment than other media [], and research has shown that the number of youth who intentionally or accidentally encounter pornographic material online has risen significantly [,].

The internet occupies a prominent and prioritized place in the lives of many youth [,,]. For example, a survey by the World Internet Report of people aged 12 to 14 years from 13 different countries found that 100% of British, 98% of Israeli, 96% of Czech, and 95% of Canadian youth reported using the internet regularly [].

The internet can serve youth as a source for the acquisition of skills, the development of high literacy, and entertainment []. However, at the same time, for users with certain sociodemographic characteristics, it can be a source of risk behaviors, such as pornography viewing and addiction [,].

Pornography and Youth

The legal status of pornography in the world varies widely from one country to another [], but attempts to restrict access to online pornographic contents in different countries have usually failed due to the ease of access []. Systematic studies and reviews have indicated that youth view porn from 10 years to 18 years, although prevalence rates between studies varied greatly [].

Young adults can also be exposed to pornographic contents “by chance” when they do not intend to [-]. Exposure to sexually explicit material in adolescence has a unique impact because in adolescence, youth feel high uncertainty about their identity and sexual boundaries []. Furthermore, exposure to porn from a young age impacts the way youth think about sexuality as well as their actual sexual behavior. According to a large survey of American college students, 51% of males and 32% of females admitted to viewing pornography for the first time before they were 13 years old []. For teenagers exposed to pornography within a family setting, pornography causes stress and increases the risk for developing negative attitudes about the nature and purpose of human sexuality.

For adolescents who view pornography, their attitudes toward their own and others’ sexuality change, and their sexual expectations and behavior are shaped accordingly [-]. A study of 2343 adolescents found that sexually explicit internet material significantly increased their uncertainties about sexuality [].

Age groups of 14-16 years and 16-18 years are sensitive ages for porn viewing because from age 14 years, adolescents face growing social pressure from their peer group to have romantic partners [,]. Relations with partners at these ages are influenced by what they viewed and learned from porn.

Due to the pervasiveness of online porn in the cultural and social environment of adolescents, a systematic survey was held in 2016 [], which found (despite the differences in the methodologies of the different studies) that pornography use was associated with more permissive sexual attitudes and tended to be linked with stronger gender-stereotypical sexual beliefs. It also appeared to be related to the occurrence of sexual intercourse, greater experience with casual sexual behavior, and more sexual aggression, both in terms of perpetration and victimization.

Porn viewing often leads to adolescents’ lower levels of sexual self-esteem [], more liberal sexual positions, and a higher belief that peers are sexually active, raising the likelihood of younger sexual initiation [].

Adolescents who are exposed to sexual behaviors outside of cultural norms may develop a distorted perception of sex as unrelated to love and intimacy and a desire for sexual engagement without emotional commitment []. The combination of peer pressure, porn viewing, and patriarchal values leads to risky behavior [].

Studies have indicated that mostly boys but also girls tend to engage in more “sexting” (exchanging sexual text messages) when they view porn. Sexting by youth often leads to sexual contempt and online sexual violence. Studies indicate that when sexting is accompanied by alcohol drinking, it leads youth to a loss of control and potential sexual violence [,]. Moreover, adolescents who are exposed to pornography may develop positions that support the “rape myth,” which ascribes responsibility for sexual assault to the female victim [,].

There are few studies on the viewing habits of sexual contents and use of pornography in Arab countries among young adults in general and adolescents in particular. Studies that have examined the subject have found that the internet exposes Arab youth to contents that contradict religious and cultural taboos. The studies found that because of the proscription and supervision in Arab countries, youth acquire information and view pornography clandestinely [].

Arab youth living in conservative communities watch porn secretly not only out of the psychological fear of the reactions of their parents and other authority figures in their lives [] but also because of the religious proscription that does not exist for secular youth living in liberal societies [].

It was found that because Arab adolescents live in a conservative world with a culture of silencing, their level of emotional readiness and tools to filter sexual contents are much lower than that of Western youth [,]. For instance, in a study of young adult students in Lebanon, it was found that a considerable number of them used the internet to view pornography and gamble [].

Many studies are conducted around the world on pornography consumption. However, as stated in the systematic survey by Owens et al [], it is necessary to continue studying this phenomenon by encouraging global studies. Few studies have been conducted on Arab youth concerning sexual discourse on the social networks and the use of technological means. Most of the studies in the literature are quantitative studies that indicate the frequency of porn viewing and/or the attitudes and perceptions of youth about specific issues on which they were asked in closed questionnaires. There are very few qualitative research studies, namely, in-depth “face-to-face” interviews that take a deep look at the features of the sexual discourse between Arab youth and their parents as well as the gaps and conflicts that arise from them.

In light of the sparsity of data specifically concerning this population, this study will contribute to understanding the impact of social, cultural, and religious patterns on the perceptions of online sexual discourse of Arab youth and mothers in Israel. Moreover, the study can provide a basis for the formulation of recommendations that put an emphasis on risk communication on the internet with the purpose of promoting a policy of effective and accommodated sexual discourse for the needs of Arab youth and their parents.

Objectives

The objective of this study was to characterize the barriers and difficulties that prevent sexual discourse in the Arab society and enable pornography viewing according to the perceptions of adolescents and mothers.

Methods

Study Design and Analysis

This study employs qualitative research, which allows the in-depth observation of a phenomenon through the prism of the study participants. The purpose of the phenomenological qualitative research method is to understand the studied phenomenon by analyzing the experiences of a certain population, with an emphasis on selecting an informative group that authentically represents it [].

Research Population

A total of 40 respondents were interviewed for this study. This study comprised 20 Arab adolescents () in 2 age groups, who, according to the literature, are in different developmental stages: 14-16 years and 16-18 years []. In addition, 20 mothers () of adolescents of both sexes were interviewed. Only mothers were chosen and not fathers on the assumption that men in the Arab society would refuse to have a conversation on sexuality in general, and especially the fathers of daughters.

Recruitment and Interview Process

An application was submitted to the Faculty of Social Welfare and Health Sciences Ethics Committee for research with human subjects at Haifa University, and full ethical approval (no.439/17) was granted. Participants were recruited through purpose sampling of Arab schools in Nazareth, Kafr Sullam, Reina, Kafr Nin, and Ein Mahel. These schools were chosen to achieve a heterogenic profile of the youth population. The researchers approached different schools in Nazareth and its surroundings to sample youth from different ethnicities—Muslims and Christians. It is important to note that the youth in Nazareth live in a mixed urban environment including Jews. This environment is fundamentally different from the isolation of the purely Arab population such as in the villages of Kafr Sullam, Reina, Kafr Nin, and Ein Mahel.

The mothers of boys and girls were approached through class WhatsApp groups. The approach laid out the research goal and provided the contact information of 1 of the researchers and an invitation to contact her. The researcher asked the mothers for permission to interview their children. Following the mothers’ approval, the researcher contacted the adolescents and asked for their consent to participate in the study. In addition, mothers were approached separately. It should be noted that it was decided not to interview the adolescents whose mothers agreed to be interviewed to allow interviewees to speak freely. The interviews with the adolescents were conducted wherever the interviewees felt comfortable, usually in their homes or in parks.